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CIVIL WAR FPi03I AN ABSURDITY, 

THE SOUTH 
WRONG IN THIS WAR. 

THE NORTH 

WRONG WITH REGARD TO SLAVERY AND AS TO THE 
PRINCIPLES OF OUR GOVERNMENT. 



Clje ^^Initcir States 

NEITHER MOXSTER XOR MONGREL 



BUT A PURE 



FEDERAL REPUBLIC, 



A PLEA 

FROM TOE YOUNG WEST, THE GIANT OFFSrUING OF UNION, FOR THAT UNION 

AND FOR OUa FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AS INSTITUTED BY 

OUU nONOKED FATHERS. 



By J. S. WRIGHT. 



LET WELL ENOUGH ALONE. 



^il,e f^tat» ,,^ 




CHICAGO, 
1862. 



^^ Individuals receiving this are desired tooUain siieedily as possi- 
Ne what subscrijytions they can, and remit the funds immediately to 
Lewis A. Sayre, M. D., 795 Broadicay, New Tori City, with full di- 
rections how to forward the hooks. 

They are then desired to send this circular and the sulscriptim, paper 
to some one who will tahe an interest in the tcorl, in an adjacent 
town, for Mm to get Subscribers, and he to another, and so on, till the 
worh is well distributed. 

The worh is put at the low price of $4 for single copnes, and it is 
hop>ed that many gentlemen xcill sid)scribe for 5 or 10 cop>ies or more, for 
distribution, and for suc7i the price is to be only $3. 

It is earnestly desired to have as many copies as possible in the hands 
of the p/eople by the ith of July. Orders will be filed in the order re- 
ceived, and it is believed that all coming to hand by the 20th or 25th of 
June can be supplied. 

Though compelled to resort to subscrijjtions, the work wiU not be issued 
elandestinely. It is true to our Oovernment, administered on tlie Fed- 
eral basis. A copy of this circular is sent to President Lixcoln, and 
proof-sheets of the icorh, as fast as printed, will he mailed to Mm. 

TJie design ivas to print in this form with Long Primer type, hut 
the volumes would he thich and clumsy, and they icill he changed to 
ootavo and Small Pica Type. 



^In ^tinotx'Ati) 

THIS HUMBLE ¥OEE IS DEDICATED, 

IN THE EAEXEST BELIEF THAT IT CORRECTLY DELINEATES THE FORM, PRIXCIPLES 
A^"D OBJECTS OF OrR GOYERXMEXT, AXD ALSO 

THE CAUSES OF DISUNION; 

AND -WITH FULL COXFIDEXCE THAT WHEX THE PEOPLE IX THE SOUTH 

AXD IX THE XORTH REALIZE THESE TRUTHS, THEY WILL WITH 

OXE HEART DESIRE TO RIGHT THE WRONG 

AND 

REUNITE OUR COMMOX COUNTRY. 



He who has abiding faith in the Principle of Self-Govern- 
ment — who would preserve Sovereignty in the People — is a 
Democrat, by whatever other party name he may be called. 
Such were most of our honored Fathers, and they organized 
their Governments with special reference to the safety of 
Popular Rights. Well apprehending the aggrandizing nature 
of Power, and fearing the loss of Sovereignty, as its strong- 
est safeguard, tliey instituted this Federal Republic. 

As a simple Republic, all Authority confided to one set of 
oflScials, usurpations might be effected, whereas, to divide part 
to their State Governments, and part to their Federal Govern- 
ment, created weighty checks one upon the other. Their 
natural jealousy would cause each to Avatch, lest undelegated 
Power was stolen by its rival from the People ; and all Au- 
thority being conferred by written Constitutions, and the rest 
reserved to the Sovekeign People, no mistake need be made. 

Yet herein Avas the danger foreseen to lie. The Fathers 
dreaded lest Powers undelegated should be exercised, at first, 
perhaps, upon plausible and })atriotic grounds, Avhich would 
lead to more and more encroachments, till all Authority should 
have been absorbed, and Sovereignty transferred. The dan- 
ger, too, was seen to lie in the Central Government. Large 
Powers must be given it to accoinplish the j)urposes of Union, 
which corres})ondingly increased the danger. But they had, 
as they believed, ample protection in the State Governments, 
1* 



10 CIVIL WAR FEOM AN ABSUEDITY. 

and also in the fact, well understood, that no Power could be 
exercised, not authorized by the letter of the Constitution, 

Such were the fears, however, of this untried Federal Sys- 
tem, so loth were the People to entrust it with Power, that 
the first Constitution was soon found impotent for its purpose. 
A second was formed in 1787, on the same Federal principle, 
but modified in arrangement for the greater safety of the 
People. As more and important Powers must be delegated, 
a system of checks was created with which they had become 
famihar in their State Governments, the Powers being distri- 
buted to three separate and distinct Departments, special care 
being taken to guard against the Executive as most danger- 
ous. This went into operation in 1789. 

Most important was it that this great Central authority 
should be rightly started, and a kind Providence had pre- 
served to us the Father of his Country, under whose 
wise and judicious guardianship for eight years, no consider- 
able encroachment was allowed, except, perhaps, one in the 
Bank of the United States, and another in territorial manage- 
ment. The principles of Republican Democracy had ruled. 

But the succeeding Administration of Mr. Adams, inaugu- 
rated a diiferent policy, operating upon the idea that we were 
a consolidated instead of Federal Republic. The high-handed 
usurpations of Congress — legitimate fruits of the prevalent 
belief — in enacting the Alien and Sedition Laws, aroused the 
Democracy to the danger of their liberties, and the Consolid- 
ists, miscalled Federalists, were swept from power. 

The Democracy have almost continuously administered the 
Government, and mainly within constitutional Umits, the chief 
errors being in territorial management. Our Country has had 
a career of prosperity unexampled in the world's history, and 
because of its being governed upon Federal principles as 
fixed by our Fathers. Wherein these have been swerved 
from, have difficulties and dissensions arisen. The error came 
into vogue that we were "partly national" as well as "partly 
federal," and some of the conscientious but fanatical people 
of the North, acting upon this notion, have created alienation 



CIVIL WAR FEOM AN ABSURDITY. 11 

of feeling on the part of the Sputh, till terrible war has re- 
sixltecl. This notion that we could be " partly federal, partly 
national " — that our Government is a monster — is herein 
shown to be impossible, and thence it follows that we are in 
Civil War from on Absurdity. 

Having gradually lost sight of the principles and objects of 
Federalism, and dreading disunion as our greatest calamity, 
misconceptions of our Union have increased till many now 
affirm that these seA^eral States no longer are possessed of 
Sovereignty, and that the United States are a consolidated 
nation. This is the critical epoch in our history, and if we 
are to be saved, the Democracy must again save us. 

Slow — awfully slow — are our leaders to discern the truth. 
President Lin'colx continues to believe that he can save his 
party and the Union too. He must send his party to its 
father, the Devil, or his Country goes to destruction. Noth- 
ing but the spirit of Democracy will preserve our Institutions 
in this crisis, and whoever will dare to resist it must be over- 
borne and run under, as have been the other enemies of Fed- 
eralism hitherto. 

Jeffersox DAvis, President of the Confederate States of 
America^ and the great majority of the South, Avould, I believe, 
to-day, favor reconstruction upon genuine Federalism. Of 
vital consequence is it to the Xorth itself that we reestablish 
our Government on that basis ; and if Abraham Lincoln, 
President of the United States of America^ yf\\\ refuse to lead 
the North back to these principles of our Fathers, let us go 
Avithout him. But I have still faith, notwithstanding his 
strange management, that in this struggle he leads the De- 
mocracy. 

The Democracy of the North are mainly carrying on this 
war, and Avith the holy purpose of preserving our Govern- 
ment and Union, They will have, too, the federal basis, and 
nothing else. The South, however, believe we are fighting to 
establish a consolidated Government, and the North and the 
Administration have given too much occasion for the belief. 
We must fight the South as long as they choose, but let 



12 CIVIL WAK FEOM AN ABSURDITY. 

them no longer labor under the gross delusion that the North- 
ern Democracy, constituting the large majority of our people, 
wish to change, or ^\'ill alloAV any change, from a federal to a 
consolidated Government. We are as strong Federalists as 
any in the South, and even a large part of the Republican 
party will be found to belong to the Democracy upon the 
day of trial. 

When the South understands this truth, they will soon make 
jjropositions of jjeace and reunion, and not before. Because 
they believed the contrary, did they begin the War. This is a 
right and honorable course whereby the South and North can 
leave this dark and gloomy pathway of strife and bloodshed, 
and return into the bright and joyous sunshine of reunion, in 
which we have advanced in less than a century from being in- 
fant colonies, to be amongst earth's most powerful nations. 

But " it is not in man that walketh to direct his steps." 
Our Fathers sought Infinite Wisdom for direction, and so 
must we. Almighty God heard the prayers of our Fathers 
amid the perils of the Revolution, and gave us Union and 
Liberty. Agahi and again He listened to their supplication 
amid the discord and clashing interests in forming our Con- 
stitutions, and preserved our Union as the bulwark of our 
Liberty ; and in all succeeding dangers and difficulties has He 
heard and answered our prayers. Let us now from South to 
North, from East to West, all through this one rich heritage 
of God, in these still more perilous days, in this fiercer, more 
vindictive, most terrific struggle, — let us all unite in calling 
upon that same God of our common ancestry, and again will 
He hear and save us, for He has promised, and He is faithful 
to His promises. Let us also repent of our ingratitude and 
other heinous sins against God, and of our wrongs to each 
other, right our wrongs as far as in our power, and guard 
well against such folly in future. This grandest experiment 
in Self-Government the world has ever witnessed, must not 
be jeopardized by disunion ; and if preserved, it must be by 
the spirit of Federalism and the eiForts of the Democracy. 

Chicago, 20th May, 1862. J. S. WRIGHT. 



CONTENTS. 



VOLUME I. 

INTRODUCTORY. 

THE DUTY OF THE NORTH A DOUBLE FIGHT FOR NORTHERN UNION MEN. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE SOUTH WRONG IN THIS WAR. 

How the "War be<Tun — Treason in South Carolina, 
Combination of Northern and Southern Traitors, 
Northern Buccaneers join the combination, 
IIow Northern Traitors aided those of the South, 
The North misrepresents itself and aids Secession, 
Triumph of South Carolina — she fears Re-union, 
Disruption positively Predetermined, . 
Acts pending the attack on Fort Sumter, . 
Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford's Letter to ilr. Seward, 

Mr. Seward's Reply 

Final Reply of Confederate Commissioners, 
Mr. Reward's Acknowledgment, .... 
Judge Campbell's Correspondence with Mr. Seward, 
The Attack and Fall of Fort Sumter, . 
United States vessels sent to Charleston, . 
Extracts from President Davis' Message, . 
Extracts from President Lincoln's Message, 
President Davis' Rejoinder 
Governor Morehead's Views, .... 

Summary of the Facts, 

Time should have been allowed Mr. Lincoln, 

A Southern View of this Question, 

No provision in the Constitution for present emergencies. 

Fort Sumter of no importance to the South, 

The South attacks the "Wrong Government, 



14 



CONTENTS. 



Kes2>onsibility for the War rests on the South, . 

The War must be vigorously prosecuted, . 

Friendship should make us Fight, 

Our Object, the Maintenance of our Government, 

The excellencies of our Government not appreciated, 

War alone cannot reestablisli cordial Union, 

Confidence to be placed in Mr. Lincoln's Leadership, 

The people to do other work than Fightmg, 

The South can never be subjugated, . 

Union sentiment must be developed in the South, 



CHAPTER 11. 



THE NORTH WRONG WITH REGARD TO SLAVERY AND AS TO THE 
CIPLES OF OUR GOVERNMENT. 



The North is in fault for this Secession effort, . 
Improper interference with Slavery, .... 
The South misled as to Republican Purposes, 
The South misled as to the Douglas Democracy, 
Northern Heresies as to the Union and the Constitution, 
Efforts of the Fathers to prevent Consolidation, . 
The Sons unwisely seek Consolidation, 

Our Union misapprehended, 

State Sovereignty our glory and strength, . 



CHAPTER HI. 



THE UNITED STATES A FEDERAL REPUBLIC 

What is a State, what is Sovereignty ? 

Further Governmental Principles, .... 

A Federal Republic, ... ... 

Some American notions as to Sovereignty, . 

Mr. Motley's opinion of Sovereignty, .... 

Opinion of Messrs. Everett, Curtis, &c. 

Contradictions between these American and old authorities 

Had we bodies politic under British sway ? 

These bodies politic were perfect, . . . . , 

Revolt of the Colonies — First Continental Congress, . 
The Second Continental Congress, . . . 

Did this Congress constitute a "National" Government? 



CONTENTS. 



15 



The Declaration of Independence — ilr. Curtis' View, 

Mr. Everett on the Declaration of Independence, 

Another reading of the Declaration of Independence, 

Sovereigntj- in the People of each State, . 

Mr. Everett admits State Sovereignty, 

Mr. Everett's Injastice to General Pinckney, 

Mr. Everett's Detraction of American Sovereignty, . 

Summary of Mr. Everett's Errors as to State Sovereignty, 

Personality Disavowed, ...... 

Sovereignty in the States claimed by themselves. 

States united — when ? how ? for what ? . . . 

The Articles of Confederation Inadequate to Preserve the Union, 

The Constitutional Convention — Appointment of Delegates, 

The Constitutional Convention — Its Difficulties, 

The Constitutional Convention upon Union — lis Letter, 

State Sovereignty under the Constitution, 

The Powers and Authority of the Constitutional Convention 

Constitution Ilarmonious, ...... 

" We the people of the United States . . . ordain," etc 
Judge Story on the Preamble, ..... 

" Powers granted," " vested in," etc., 

"The Supreme Law of the Land," .... 

Oath to Support the Constitution, .... 

Points in the Constitution adverse to Consolidation, . 
Another View of the Preamble, .... 

The Elective Franchise controlled by the States, 
The Senate represents State Sovereignty, . 
The Prerogative of Eminent Domain, 
Tiie -Itli Article perpetuates the States, 

Power to Amend tlie Constitution 

The llatitication of the Constitution, 

Mr. Curtis on the Ratification 

Mr. Everett on the Ratification, .... 

Mr. Motley on the Ratification, .... 

Debates in Convention on the Ratifying Clause, 

The Supreme Court on Ratification 

The Clause of Execution, ...... 

Amendments to the Constitution, .... 

The Amendments intended as a Bill of Rights, . 

" Rights retained" — " Powers not delegated," . 

The Constitution, then, has not changed State Sovereignty 

Its Harmony witli Established Science, 

Direct Conflict with International Principles, . 

A double coexistent Sovereignty impossible, 



16 CONTENTS. 

The United States lack essential Sovereign Powers, . 

All Powers in the People of a State, .... 

Is our Government, then, Federal, " yational," or Mixed ? 
A Government partly Federal, partly " National," impossible. 
Why and how this wrong expression came into vogue, 
Mr. Madison's Letter to Governor Randolph, 
Governor Randolph's " National," or the Virginia Plan, 
Mr. Ciiarles Pinckney's Federal Plan, .... 

Mr. Patterson's Federal Plan, ...... 

General Hamilton's Plan, ....... 

The Ideas of the Convention as to Federal and " National'' 

The Errors follow into the State Conventions, . 

Summary of the preceding views as to State Sovereignty, 

The States assert their Sovereignty' under the Constitution, 

Opinions of the Fathers as to our Form of Government, . 

Debates in the Massachusetts Ratifying Convention, . 

Opinions of the Federalist adverse to Consolidation, . 

Errors in the Fedei-alist, ...'... 

" It is not a Compact, but a Constitution of Government," 

The Articles of Confederation were a Constitution of Government, 

The Constitution is a Letter of Attorney, .... 

The Constitution is a Charter, 

The Constitution is a Fundamental Law, .... 
The Constitution is also a " Confederation, League or Compact," 
Can a State annul its Letter of Attorney, Compact, etc., tiiat is, 

Nullify? 

Can a State Secede from the Union ? 

Mr. Everett on tlie Right of Secession 

Mr. Webster on the Right of Secession, .... 

General Jackson's Proclamation in 1833, .... 

Further objections to the right of Secession, 

Vattel's Opinion of a State's right of Choice, 

Is Secession a Constitutional right, or is it Revolution ? 

The right of Secession asserted by the South, . 

The right of Secession asserted by the North, . 

The rights of a State, those of a natural Person, 

CHAPTER in. 

THE TENDENCY OF OUR GOVERNMENT TO CONSOLIDATION. 

Tlie Errors of Messrs. Everett, Curtis and Motley generally prevalent, 
Errors in the Supreme Court, ........ 

Errors of the Republican Administration, 



CONTEXTS. 17 

The President's first Proclamation, 

Proclamations Blockading Ports, ...... 

The Proclamation increasing the Army and Xavy, 

Proclamation suspending the Writ of Habcax Corpus, 

The injury of these Acts to the Union Cause in the South, 

These Usurpations dangerous to future Libertj-, 

The War Power no Justification, ...... 

Congress should have been immediately convened, . 

The Existence of "War should have been recognized and proclaimed, 

Tiiese false Teachers responsible for Mr. Lincoln's errors, . 

The natural consequences of these false Teachings, . 



CHAPTER IV. 

ERROnS AVITU REGARD TO THE TERRITORIES AND DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

Of the Establishment of a Nation in a Territory, (Vattel,) 

A History of the Title of the United States to its Territory, . 

The Individual States are the Proprietors, .... 

The riglits of States in their common Territory, 

The right of free Inhabitants, a free People to Self-Government, 

Tlie Power of Legislation unfairly used towards the South, 

Tiie Observations of Justice between Nations 

The Rights of the Slaveholder were secured, .... 



CHAPTER V. 

T U E WRONG MUST BE R I G II TE D . 

"W'e must right our Wrong to save the Union, 

Value of tlie Union, (a chapter from Hon. P. XL r>urnett's pamphlet,) 

Consolidation inexpedient, ....••• 

Devotion to the Union should be based on sound reasoning, 

The object of Government, and the right to institute it, . 

The benefits of the Union in the past, a rational basis for estimating 

its benefits in the future, 

Difficulty of designating the dividing line between the sections, 
Frequent wars would be the consequence of permanent dissolution, 
Tliese wars would be carried on by regular soldiers, 

The evils of war, 

Effects of dissolution upon national credit, 



18 



Effects of dissolution upon the investment of capital, 
Dissolution fatal to supremacy at sea, 
Despotism the ultimate result of dissolution, 
A Despotism inimical to a free press, 
Dissolution exposes us to foreign aggression, 
France and England look to us for early Peace, 
All Humanity has claims upon us to do right, . 



CHAPTER VI. 

HOW SHALL THE REFORM BE BEGUN AND ACCOMPLISHED ? ] 

The "West will take the lead if necessary, . . . . 

The South should also call a Convention, 

A Constitutional Convention must be held, . - . . 

Change in electing the Executive, 

The Judicial System needs change, 

Congress should have Power to tax Exports, . . - - 
The Senatorial Representation must be made equitable, - 
The Representation of Slaves may be changed, - - - - 
Citizenship of tlie United States must be defined, 
Various minor changes, 

CHAPTER Vn. 

THE BENEFITS OF RIGHT DOING AND OF RESTORING OUR UNION. 

The Advantages to the North of Reunion, ' . - - - 
The Advantages to the South of Reunion, . . . . 

Objections in the North to Reunion, 

Difficulties in the South to Reunion, 

"Which, then, shall Triumph, Disunion or Union ? - - - 

Reunion honorable alike to the South and North, 

The Checks and Balances afforded by Reunion, 

Reunion must be established to prevent further Disunion, 

Disunion — a Western Republic, 

Danger of disunion in the South, 

Reunion necessary to prove the Benefits of Federalism, - 
The Desertion of Federalism the cause of all our Troubles, 
The Influence of this Federal Example upon other nations. 
How long shall Civil War last for an Absurdity ? - - - 



CONTENTS. 19 



VOLTIME II. 

[The scarcity of works on international law, render it necessarj' to give 
lengthy extracts. Such extracts are usually given in an appendix, but are 
here put in Vol. II.] 

CHAPTER I. 

ELEMENTARY PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. 

Extracts from Pufendorf, Grotius and Montesquieu, . . - pages 200 
[Vattel is largely quoted in Vol. I., and also other authors, showing 
clearly, with the other authorities, what Sovereignty is, what a State is, 
and its natural rights ; and also what constitutes a Federal Republic. I 
have more or less examined nearly every American vrriter upon our Gov- 
ermnent, and not one that I have seen— not even Mr. Calhoun— connects it 
properly with the established principles of the old authorities. Instead 
of following the clear and perfect system of Pufendorf, Ac, they have, for 
some inexplicable reason, followed Sir William Blackstone's lead, which 
has brought us into confusion, and even to civil war.] 



CHAPTER II. 

THE constitutional DEBATES. 

Extracts from the Madison Papers and Yates' Minutes, - - - pages 180 
[Sliowing the intention was to frame a Federal, not a Consolidated Gov- 
ernment, and these are strengthened by extracts in Vol. I. from the debates 
in the State Ratifying Conventions, compiled by Elliot.] 

CHAPTER HI. 

Extracts from the Icckralist upon Union, <tc. - papes 40 

[This standard authority is largely quoted from in Vol. II.] 



20 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER IV. 

blackstone's ekrors. 

Extracts from Jeremt Bentham's Frarpnent on Government, and Hon. James 

Wilson's Lmv Lectures - - . • pages 50 

[Judge Wilson, of the Supreme Court of the United States, was a delegate 
to the Constitutional Convention from Pennsylvania, and one of its most in- 
fluential members. He and Mr. Bentham cut to pieces the nonsense of 
Blackstone, imitated by his followers— Story, Curtis, Wheaton and all those 
American writers that have so confused governmental principles.] 

CHAPTER V. 

ENGLISH COMPLICITY. 

Extracts from Professor Morse's pamphlet, showing the complicity of the 
English aristocracy in using the negro question to break up our 

Union. • pages 20 

[Other extracts to make some 600 pages.] 



INTRODUCTORY. 



THE DUTY OF THE NORTH. 

A Double FifjUfoi' Northern Union Men. 

FoK what are we fighting ? With the masses of the Korth, 
with loyal hearts still sympathizing in the South, the high and 
holy object is the maintenance of our Government— the per- 
petual Union of all these States. 

That there are some among us who have ulterior and trait- 
orous motives in the prosecution of this war, is not to be 
denied ; but most assuredly, the abetting of any abolition 
schemes, or interference with slavery in any way, enters not 
into the plans of the great majority who Avith such alacrity 
and energy sustain the Government in its patriotic purposes. 
And in my judgment, it is quite time the Administration took 
distinct ground upon this question of slavery. Not only is it 
due alike to loyalists in the South, and conservatives in the 
North, to remove all fears that this war is to be made an 
abolition crusade ; but it is also the surest, if not the only 
means of bringing this lamentable contest to an honorable 
conclusion. 

This war must be prosecuted with our utmost power and 
vi^or, and must be mode .vcccssfnl. To this there is no honor- 
alSe alternative. But with it must be clearly evinced a desu'e 
only to maintain the rightful authority of the Government, and 
that too, as being federal, not consolidated; a determmation 
in no way to interfere with the constitutional rights and m- 
stitutions of the South ; and a cheerful and magnanimous 
willincrness to do what is just and exi-edient to satisfy the 
Southland even the mal-contents, notwithstanding their efiorts 
to break up the Union. 

This is not to be accomplished without a desperate struggle 
a-ainst northern as well as southern traitors. The true Lmon 
lueu of the North, have then a double fight on hand, to be 



22 



INTEODUCTOKY. 



waged at one and the same time ; and the sooner this in the 
North begins, and the harder it is prosecuted, the sooner and 
easier can that in the South be ended. 

To insure victory in this double conflict, there must be no 
weakening of union forces by division of sentiment and effort 
among ourselves. Only by mightiest exertions and entire 
concord between all true patriots, can the Union of these 
States be reestablished. Let none of us by detestation of 
northern abolitionism, be led unduly to favor the South and 
yield to its treasonable schemes, for we thereby aid directly to 
accomplish the most cherished purposes of those fanatics in 
our midst, whom of all creatures we most hate and despise. 
Let us unitedly and heartily stand by the Government in this 
its hour of extreme peril, and while saving southern friends 
from the evils to which their leaders would bring them by 
disunion, at the same time destroy this accursed spirit of 
fanaticism that has become so rife in the North, and has aided 
most directly and poAverfully to bring about this wretched 
condition of our country. 

We have also to correct our errors as to the principles of 
our Government. We are nearly all led astray on this impor- 
tant question. Instead of acknowledging that we are federal 
and only federal, we have been gradually coming to believe 
that we are partly, and a good deal consolidated, and 
many aflirm that we are so absolutely. We are not consoli- 
dated, never have been, and I trust never will be ; but these 
fanatics will have it that we are, that they may have a right 
to extirpate the sin and evil of slavery as they consider it. 

This, too, is another point with regard to which northern 
conservatives must wage a war with these secessionists. They 
do not want our Government to be continued as a Federal 
Repubhc, because that puts a stop to their anti-slavery eflforts, 
and they will prefer disunion to reconstruction upon the 
federal basis. A fierce and bitter conflict has to be waged 
here in the North before our Union can be reconstructed on 
the plan of our fathers ; and we had best contend for half a 
century than alloAV our system of Government to be changed. 
Southern extremists are not more hostile to our Union than 



IXTRODUCTOEY. 23 

are these northern abolitionists, if slavery cannot be de- 
stroyed. 

This truth has not been realized by Mk. Lincolx and many 
other conservative republicans, Avhose sole aim is to maintain 
our Union. It will be developed when the war comes to a 
close, and we begin to act like rational beings. They will then 
find who the real disunionists are. I firmly believe that the 
South was led into this war, because they supposed the North 
designed to overthrow federalism and consolidate these Slates 
into one, and that as soon as they are disabused of this im- 
l)ression, they Avill gladly cease the strife and reconstruct our 
Union, and I am equally firm in the behef that these northern 
radicals Avill be found bitter opponents of federal reunion. 

Of the result of this conflict I have little apprehension unless 
it be procrastinated till Europe interferes. Federalism and 
Union will triumph. 

"We shall find in this examination, I trust, that we are a 
pure Federal Republic, and that departure from federal prin- 
ci])Ies is the cause of all our diOiculties. Sees the patriot, then, 
in our present imbroglio, any occasion to fear fur the main- 
tenance of our liberty ? any cause of despondency as to the 
capacity of this peo]>le for self-government ? any necessity to 
admit the federal ])rinciple to be a failure ? Xot at all. Find- 
ing as we shall that our institutions are based upon federalism, 
and that departure from its principles has led us into all this 
difficulty and war, we have but to retrace our steps, get back 
into the paths made by our fathers, and continue therein, to 
again enjoy the happiness and prosperity which have been 
immeasureably sliowered upon us for seventy years. This is 
the last and severest test of our republican institutions — of the 
worth of a Federal Kei)ublic. Our system was sufficient, when 
far more imperfect, to gain us our sovereignty, freedom and 
independence, when in infancy we has to struggle against an 
old and mighty government, and it has given a constant and 



New Yokk, June 7tli, 1862, 
Dear Sie, — Professional duties prevent my calling to see you, 
and I therefore send a notice of a book that is being lorinted, for 
which I want your subscription. 

This paper will exphiin the character of the work, and having 
heard j^arts of the MS. read, I take great interest in having it circu- 
lated. Till information of this kind is widely disseminated and 
made operative, we cannot look for peace and reunion. 

Please send me your subscription for one or more copies, and men- 
tion it to your friends, and also mail this to some one you know in 
the country, in this or another State, and drop him a line urging him 
to get subscribers. 

Very respectfully your obedient servant, 

LEWIS A. SAYRE. 

SUBSCEIPTIOH. 

" Civil War from ax Absurdity." — 2 vols. 8vo., 500 to GOO 
pages each. To be issued only to subscribers. Price, in advance, $4 
per copy, delivered or sent by mail, i)ostage prepaid. Five copies 
or over, $3 each, to be sent by express at subscriber's cost. 

The undersigned have paid for the number of copies of this work 
set against their names respectively, and desire them to be sent to 
the address as given : 



POST-OKFICE. 



Because this Avork sustains the South in the abstract 
right of Secession, no leading house will publish it, or even 
be at the trouble of looking into the merits of the argument. 
Being thus deprived of the accustomed channels in reaching 
the public, I am obliged to resort to subscriptions. 

Tracing out the history of our Government, and connecting 
it with principles of international law, which is herein for the 
first time attempted, so far as I can discover, shows the peo- 
ple of each one of these States to be absolutely sovereign, 
possessed of illimitable, uncontrollable authority. Such a 
power cannot be denied the right of revoking powers simply 
delegated to the Federal Government, a mere agency like that 
of a State government, Avhich the sovereign people alter at 
their Avill. If the best good of the State requires its powers 
to be revoked, it is not only the privilege, but the duty of the- 
State to do it. 

But the investigation shows further, that these greatest 
moral jjcrsons— these Sovereign States— are the more strongly 
beholden to observe their compacts, because honor and prin- 
ciple can alone control them, no superior authority being con- 
stituted over them,— that the South had no sufficient cause for 
present Secession,— that the Federal Government has done it 
no injury,— that the tantalizing wrong has come from individ- 
ual States, which the Federal Government was powerless to 



^7- V i 



2 CIVIL WAR FEOM AN ABSURDITY. 

remedy, — that there was no adequate excuse for beginning the 
Avar at Sumter. The South is proven to be quite as much in 
the wrong as to tlie war, as if we could deny the riglit of Se- 
cession ; and then it is shown further, that these States hav- 
ing the rights of individuals in a state of nature, and war hav- 
ing been unjustly begun upon us, we may rightly prosecute 
the war till the South return to reason, and are willing to re- 
construct the Union on fair terms and on the federal basis — 
that the gi-eat North-West in particular can never listen to 
disunion, and will insist upon all proper guarantees being 
given to the South to protect them against fonatical inter- 
ference in future. 

The investigation also shows that while the South is alto- 
gether wrong in beginning the war, that they have had great 
provocation in our improper interference with slavery, and in 
the denial of their equal riglits in the common territory, all 
of which originates in deserting the federal principle. Also, 
that they were led into tlie war by misunderstanding the de- 
signs and purposes of the Xortli, which, instead of being 
corrected, whereby alone the South can be led to cease its 
warfare, have been strengtlicned by errors in the Adminis- 
tration. 

The usurpations of the President are discussed, sliowing 
that he should not have exercised the powers of blockading 
the ports, increasing the army and navy, and suspending the 
writ of Habeas Corpus, but should at once have convened Con- 
gress, instead of delaying two months and a half — that the 
dread of our Fathers Avas the one-man power — executive 
usurpations — and that the checks Avhich they created, have 
been cast aside by the Administration, and afford justification 
to the South in having withdrawn from a Union that had be- 
come consolidated instead of federal. 



CTVIL WAR FROM AN ABSURDITY. 3 

At the same time, these errors are shoAvn to have resulted 
naturally from the erroneous teachings of governmental prin- 
ciples with which the whole North, and a large part of the 
South has become imbued ; and the belief is expressed, which 
an acquaintance with the President of over a quarter of a 
century justifies me in confidently entertaining, that with his 
honesty and patriotism and sincere desire for reunion, he will 
be among the most zealous to right his wrongs, and will be 
found with the Democracy as their leader or otherwise, in re- 
turning to the paths of Federalism. I have yet an earnest 
hope that President Lixcoln's eflforts to restore the Union 
and secure forever to the South all its constitutional rights, 
will cause even that section to take the lea<l in placing him 
again in the Executive chair. The history of the world has 
furnished no such opportunity for a man to make of himself a 
secoTid "NVasiiiX(;t()N, and I liave strong hope Mr. Lincoln 
will l)e foiuid equal to the emergency. But if not, the Democ- 
racy can and must without him again save their country from 
the dangers of consolidation. 

Federnlium, too, is shown to be best for us — that it is the 
only system practicable in a Democratic Kepublic of wide 
extent. 

Not relying upon my own judgment as to the merits of the 
argtmient, most of the second volume has been read to an 
editor of a prominent Republican newspaper, who says the 
views are new, and he does not see how they are to be con- 
troverted. And my friend, Hon. lIouArE F. Clauk, has done 
me the kindness to read a large part of the ^IS, and though 
not assenting to all my views, he says " it is the best exposi- 
tion of the priiu-iples of our Govermnent he has ever seen," 
and that it will do great good by and by, but considers its im- 
mediate publication to be premature. Other friends, however, 



4 CIVIL WAE FROM AN ABSURDITY. 

advise it be now issued, and are advancing funds to print the 
work while the subscriptions are in progress. 

Another gentleman of eminence, both in the political and 
literary world, whose name I do not feel at liberty to use, 
though I have not asked it, did me the favor to hear most of 
the argumentative part of the MS. read, and considers it new 
and cogent, but deprecates the assaults upon his friends, 
Messrs. Everett and Motley ; whereas it appears to me 
they have not got half what they deserve. 

Hon. Charles O'Conor favors me with the following 
note : — 

" ' Civil War from an Absiirdili/, by J. S. Wright.'' 

" I have read in manuscript an Address to the Democracy, 
intended to be prefixed to this work, and have carefully exa- 
mined the table of contents. In the latter I find developed 
sufficiently, for the present purpose, Mr. "Wright's line of 
argument, and the general nature and tendency of the entire 
text. Without expressing a concurrence in all the views ad- 
vanced, I have no hesitation in recommending the work to 
patronage and general perusal. 

(Signed) " CH. O'CONOR. 

"New York, May 2Vth, f862." 

I had hoped this eminent lawyer would be able to examine 
critically my arguments and correct errors, but professional 
engagements prevent. His favorable opinion is the more 
esteemed from his having done me the kindness to hear my 
paper read last autiimn, Avhen prepared for a newspaper ; and 
though it has since swelled to two volumes, the line of argu- 
ment is the same. 

It would seem that information of this character, Avhich is 
a necessary prelude to peace and restoration of the Union, 
cannot be too soon disseminated. The North must under 
stand the character of our Government, and the desirableness 
of FederaUsm, and we must express our determination to re- 



CIVIL WAR FROil AN ABSURDITY. 5 

Store the Union upon the basis of our Fathers, This done, 
the South will cease its war. 

Even now, as I write, comes the account of the interview 
at Cormth with Hon. Jacob M. Thompson. They thmk the 
whole North is abolitionized and determined to carry out the 
principles of consohdation in exterminating slavery. Tliey 
know full well that on the basis of a Federal Union, the Gov- 
ernment is powerless to interfere with slavery, and therefore, 
if we only declare our determination to maintain our Union 
as a Federal Republic, they will at once end the war so ab- 
horrent to them. 

J. S. WRIGHT, 

New York, Vth June, 1862. 



W60 



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